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Bob is a builder. He has been working for 40 years, and his tools
have become extra limbs rather than inanimate aids. He has whole areas
of cortex dedicated to plastering. Last month he returned to his van to
discover the doors prised open and his tools gone. Mike is a
psychologist. He has been working for 40 years, and his manner, tone of
voice, choice of words, receptivity and empathy are finely honed to the
needs of his clients. Last month he began seeing a client with no
speech, her first language being British Sign Language (BSL).
Bob quickly contacts his insurance company and within the week has a
complete new set of tools. Mike quickly contacts a sign language
interpreter agency and arranges for interpreter support to be available
for sessions with his deaf client. Relieved to be able to conduct his
business as usual, Bob sets about organising jobs and arrives on site.
Immediately he realises that these tools are just not the same.
Relieved to be able to conduct his business as usual, Mike meets with
his client and immediately comes to the same conclusion.
Hearing psychologists faced with a client with whom they cannot
communicate have been described as entering a
‘Shock-Withdrawal-Paralysis’ (Schlesinger & Meadow, 1972) in which
fears of incompetence regarding deaf people (shorthand here for
‘prelingually profoundly deaf people who use sign language’) lead to a
diminishing ability to use existing clinical skills. Obviously this is
disabling. In addition, the relief felt when this paralysis is
apparently resolved can be so tangible that the extent to which it
truly is resolved can be grossly overestimated. Just as a hearing aid
will amplify but not correct distortion, so booking an interpreter is a
necessary but not sufficient step towards business as usual. Though
difficult to admit, it is likely that when de-skilled in this fashion
we reach for tools which appear to rely less heavily on our ability to
properly connect with our clients – tools which have a validity that
appears inherent, tools which have a heavy mass of ‘evidence’ to
support them.
There is a small but admirable literature on working with deaf people
in psychological contexts (Austen & Crocker, 2004; Hindley &
Kitson, 2000); this article is concerned specifically with the art of
psychometry when applied to deaf people.
In this context, ‘verbal items’ require reading or writing skills,
untaught (indirectly acquired) knowledge, or items dependent upon other
abilities based upon English (such as understanding of proverbs);
‘performance’ items do not. Verbal items are inappropriate for deaf
people, particularly prelingually deafened. Such people usually have
difficulty with English syntax and vocabulary independent of cognitive
function, as a result of English being a purely visual (unspoken, and
therefore considerably less frequently encountered) language for deaf
people. The experiences of hearing people with written and spoken
English mutually reinforce their abilities in both, whereas BSL and
written English have completely distinct vocabularies and grammars. In
addition, deaf school-leavers’ median reading age has been estimated to
be at the nine-year level irrespective of intellectual function
(Conrad, 1979).
This is important even if the tasks themselves are considered to be
performance tasks. For those measures that offer little or no
flexibility in the way in which instructions are presented, departure
from the formal administration makes comparison with the normative
sample misleading in ways that cannot be predicted or allowed for.
There is no such thing as a perfect or ideal translation or
interpretation – it always presents a departure from the original
statement. Therefore it is important to identify the extent and nature
of these departures (for more on this see below).
Do items discriminate against (or for) those with auditory impairment?
Items that discriminate against deaf people are more common, but both
for and against present problems of comparison with a normative sample
that did not include deaf people. An example would be a scale
containing the (observational) item ‘Makes
telephone calls’. Although one might suppose an observational scale
protects against many of the concerns presented here, clearly this item
would underestimate the individual’s functioning. Perhaps less
obviously, but equally critical, an attempt to address the cultural
validity of this item by converting it to ‘Makes minicom (textphone)
calls’ still underestimates the ‘true’ level of functioning since a
deaf person’s experience of using a textphone differs entirely from a
hearing person’s with a telephone (in terms of when one is first seen
used, how often they are seen on TV, and so on).
Conversely, users of three-dimensional visual languages, with pronoun
forms that rely upon memory of the locations of subjects and objects in
the signing-space, might reasonably be expected to be advantaged when
using block-tapping tasks (in which blocks in a disorganised array
between assessor and subject are tapped in sequences the subject must
reproduce – estimating the ability to hold visuospatial sequences in
working memory). However, this advantage disappears when the person
sits alongside the examiner instead of opposite, again showing the
unpredictable nature of the effects of deafness on psychometric testing.
Apart from a very select handful of tests the answer to this
question is always no. Norms for deaf people are rarely provided. There
are good arguments for and against comparing this deaf person with
either deaf or ‘hearing’ norms, and the answer depends of course upon
the reason for testing (for example vocational selection may require
comparison against norms applicable to the population of applicants for
a post, whereas assessment to determine the presence or degree of
learning disability would likely require comparison with a reference
group of deaf people). However there is only ever an argument for
‘hearing’ norms if that normative sample contained deaf people in equal
proportion to the population of concern, and if the results from that
subsample are demonstrably as reliable as those of the hearing
subjects. Such norms are rarely if ever established, not least because
of difficulties defining and sourcing a homogeneous reference group,
and prelingually profoundly deaf people are more likely to be formally
excluded from the normative study. The interpretation of results from
people (deaf) who do not mirror individuals upon whom the test was
designed (hearing) must therefore be explicitly cautious.
The four points above are relevant whether or not the assessor is
communicating directly with the client in BSL, but of course in the
majority of instances this
will not be the case. When conducting a psychometric assessment with a BSL interpreter, further issues are raised.
The ability of the interpreter(s) must be stated in the report and
considered when interpreting the results. Even if the interpreter is
NVQ Level IV accredited and a registered sign language interpreter,
which ought really to be the only acceptable standard for psychometry,
the reliability of the interpretation will decline significantly after
35 minutes (Brasel, 1976). Two interpreters should be used and regular
breaks should be introduced (which can itself conflict with a formal
test administration). Interpretation will always add to the error in
the estimated level of function, and it is impossible to say for each
instance whether it contributes to an over- or underestimation. The
extent of this error is, in part, a function of the competence of the
interpreter.
Even if the communication support could be 100 per cent perfect, it
remains important that each item of each test be discussed in advance
with the interpreters. The assessor must be fully aware of the nature
of the signed administration in order that the psychometric equivalence
of the standard and the signed administration of that item can be
judged. For example, the Similarities subtest of the WAIS-III contains
the question, in English, ‘In what way are a coat and a suit alike?’ It
is fairly easy to translate this into a BSL equivalent with little
debate. However the nature of the most common signs for coat and suit
make it self-evident that both are articles
of clothing – a response that receives maximum points. Conversely, the
signs commonly indicating a coat and a suit ‘rhyme’ in terms of both
being bimanual and symmetrical, sharing the same location in space,
employing very similar movements, and handshapes differing only in
terms of thumb position. It could be argued that these phonological
similarities are unreasonably misleading or that they imply alternative
false answers (the location of both signs is also commonly used for
emotions) in a way that the spoken English items do not.
These concerns all contribute unknown amounts of error to the
estimated level of whatever psychological construct is under scrutiny
(such as intellectual function). In addition the ways in which these
concerns may be addressed (by departing from standard administration in
a variety of ways) also contribute error to the estimate. The magnitude
of this error and the overall direction of it are both unknowns and
lower the reliability of the obtained results. It may sometimes be
possible to evaluate the direction of each error component from each
shortcoming and adaptation in order to more confidently interpret test
results. For example, if most shortcomings and departures tend to
disadvantage the candidate, then the result may more usefully be
understood to reflect a minimum level of functioning rather than an
estimated actual level. However, such interpretations will necessarily
be conjectural.
Generally, psychologists should be advised to:
l assess the deaf person with support from qualified BSL interpreters;
l discuss each item of each test in advance with the
interpreters, and afterwards so that any instances of note may be
raised and accommodated in the interpretation of the results;
l consider which, if any, tests to use in the light
of the points above regarding test items, test administration, and
reference groups;
l interpret results with extreme caution in the light
of the above points as well as further issues pertaining to
communication support;
l make each of these shortcomings explicit in the
report, so that future readers will not jump to erroneous conclusions;
and
l endeavour, when adding error by departures from standard administration, to add error that tends
in one particular direction.
Ultimately it is important to remember that psychometry does not
provide the comfort blanket psychologists may seek when working with
certain client groups, in this example deaf people. In addition, what
may at first glance seem to be straightforward technical choices turn,
on reflection, into relatively significant concerns. The overriding
approach to be taken is one of uncertainty, doubt and feeling
comfortable with ignorance. Well-founded understandings are based on
knowing what we do not know and keeping what we do know in the context
of that ignorance.
- Jim Cromwell is Principal Clinical Psychologist for National Deaf Services, 146a Bedford Hill, Balham, London.
E-mail: jim.cromwell@swlstg-tr.nhs.uk.
Jim Cromwell’s ‘Peripheral Brain’: brain.jimcromwell.com
British Sign Language fingerspelling: www.jimcromwell.com/BSL/spell.htm
National Deaf Services: www.swlstg-tr.nhs.uk/content/nds
This article is reminding us to be rigorous. Is this just routine cross-cultural psychology?
The deaf community requires culturally appropriate measures. How might
such within-culture tools be developed when so few native deaf people
are in a position to develop them?
Culture? Deafness is a disability. Isn’t it?
Have your say on these or other issues this article raises. Send
letters to psychologist@bps.org.uk or post on our forum at
www.thepsychologist.org.uk.
Austen, S. & Crocker, S. (2004). Deafness in mind. Working
psychologically with deaf people across the lifespan. London: Whurr.
Brasel, B.B. (1976). The effects of fatigue on the competence of
interpreters for the deaf. In H.J. Murphy (Ed.) Selected readings in
the integration of deaf students at C.S.U.N. Centre on Deafness series
(No.1). Northridge, CA: California State University.
Conrad, R. (1979). The deaf school child. London: Harper & Row.
Hindley, P. & Kitson, N. (2000). Mental health and deafness. London: Whurr.
Schlesinger, H.S. & Meadow, K.P. (1972). Sound and sign: Childhood
deafness and mental health. Berkeley, CA: University of California
Press.
Zieziula, F.R. (Ed.) (1982). Assessment of hearing-impaired people. A
guide for selecting psychological, educational, and vocational tests.
Washington DC: Gallaudet College Press.
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